(America during the Imperial expansion of 1898)–It is yet another Civilized Power, with its banner of the Prince of Peace in one hand and its loot-basket and its butcher-knife in the other. —Mark Twain
The nation which will not adopt an equilibrium of power must adopt a despotism. There is no other alternative==John Adams
There are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power than by violent and sudden usurpations==James Madison wrote
If a nation expects to be ignorant and free, in a state of civilization, it expects what never was and never will be.== Thomas Jefferson
An unrestrained security apparatus has throughout history been one of the principal reasons that free governments have failed. The Trumanite network holds within its power something far greater than the ability to recommend higher import duties or more windmills or even gargantuan corporate bailouts: it has the power to kill and arrest and jail, the power to see and hear and read peoples’ every word and action,30 the power to instill fear and suspicion, the power to quash investigations and quell speech, the power to shape public debate or to curtail it, and the power to hide its deeds and evade its weak-kneed overseers
How exactly did the United States “become the scene of one of the most hideously bedeviled conflicts of all time?” asked New York University literature professor Carol Iannone. Quite simply, it happened because America lost its grasp of its own historic character, and embraced “diversity” as a national goal. In the name of equality and nondiscrimination we invited mass immigration from every part of the globe, and made no demands on the newcomers to become Americans. In fact, we gave up our American core, adopted multiculturalism and declared all cultures equal. We invited the new groups to celebrate themselves while we cravenly permitted libelous denigration of our own past. Like fools we prated that diversity is our strength, when common sense and all of history tell us that strength comes from unity.
Absolute nondiscrimination meant we no longer enforced standards, made judgments, distinguished between good and evil, friend and foe. We grew lazy, stupid and careless—about our borders, about national security, even about previous terrorist attacks against us. We worried over our “hate crimes” and our “racial profiling,” while men resided in our midst who seethed with murderous fury even against our children and plotted our destruction.
==The Marketing of Evil: How Radicals, Elitists, and Pseudo-Experts Sell Us Corruption Disguised As Freedom (David Kupelian)
Tocqueville’s forecast for democratic societies (chapter 10) seems to have come true in America: I had remarked during my stay in the United States, that a democratic state of society, similar to that of the Americans, might offer singular facilities for the establishment of despotism.
The demand that all other people shall resemble ourselves grows by what it feeds on. If real resistance waits till life is reduced nearly to one uniform type, all deviations from that type will come to be considered impious, immoral, even monstrous and contrary to nature. Mankind speedily become unable to conceive diversity, when they have been for some time unaccustomed to see it.
Benjamin de Constant, who belonged to the eighteenth no less than to the nineteenth century, recognized the paralyzing qualities of uniformism when he wrote: “Variety is organization; uniformity is mechanism. Variety is life; uniformity is death.
An inevitable result of all levelling tendencies is an anti-liberal attitude.
Macaulay, who wrote to H. S. Randall, an American friend, in 1857: I have long been convinced that institutions purely democratic must, sooner or later, destroy liberty, or civilization, or both. In Europe, where the population is dense, the effect of such institutions would be almost instantaneous
Friedrich Engels was convinced that the democratic republic was the ideal form of government to serve as an arena for the class struggle, ending in the dictatorship of the propertyless classes. The notion that socialism (i.e., an authoritarian state capitalism) is the final, logical consequence of the democratic postulates has been supported in our days by the most divergent thinkers. Naturally, we should not forget the partly Hegelian fatherhood of socialism: De Tocqueville, visiting Germany in 1852, clearly recognized this interconnection.
In my eyes human societies, like individuals, are nothing if not by the use of liberty. I have always said that liberty is more difficult to establish and to maintain in democratic societies, like ours, than in certain aristocratic societies which have preceded us.
“What sort of despotism have democratic nations to fear?”
It seems to me that if despotism were to be established among the democratic nations of our days, it would have different characteristics: it would be more extensive and more mild, it would degrade men without tormenting them.
Above this race of men stands an immense and tutelary power, which takes upon itself alone to secure their gratifications, and to watch over their fate. That power is absolute, minute, regular, provident and mild. It would be like the authority of a parent, if, like that authority, its object was to prepare men for manhood; but it seeks, on the contrary, to keep them in perpetual childhood: it is well content that the people should rejoice, provided they think of nothing but rejoicing. For their happiness such a government willingly labours, but it chooses to be the sole agent and arbiter of that happiness: it provides for their security, foresees and supplies their necessities, facilitates their pleasures, manages their principal concerns, directs their industry, regulates the descent of property, and subdivides their inheritances—what remains but to spare them all the care of thinking and all the trouble of living?
This is an accurate picture of the totalitarian state, only seemingly marred by the author’s emphasis on the element of mildness.
De Tocqueville insists again that the danger of a new tyranny is at hand: Despotism . . . appears to me peculiarly to be dreaded in democratic ages. I should have loved freedom, I believe, at all times, but in the time in which we live I am ready to worship it.
De Tocqueville’s vistas were evolutionary rather than revolutionary. Still, he saw very clearly the autocratic element in democracy, which has also been recognized by modern authors. It is doubtful whether he would have agreed with Polybius, who (in his Histories, vi, 8–11) saw democracy ending in bestiality and savagery; but his remark about a turning of the people to “freer institutions” can be interpreted as predicting a resurgence of anarchist leanings—a reaction unfortunately far less likely than the trend to “stretch out at the feet of a single master.”
Herman Melville, the great American seer, knew only too well that the disappearance of the old traditional values in our civilization would leave the empty and evil shell of a naked democracy the future:
Ay, Democracy Lops, lops; but where’s her planted bed? The future, what is that to her Who vaunts she’s no inheritor? ’Tis in her mouth, not in her heart. The Past she spurns, though ’tis the Past From which she gets her saving part— That Good which lets her Evil last.
==Liberty or Equality: The Challenge of Our Time (LvMI) (Erik von Kuhnelt-Leddihn)
- The World is entering a recession and soon, of course so is America.
- Given the massive and ultimately disastrous efforts of major economic powers and their ruling central banks to keep a dying system on life support over the past six years, there will be no more illusionary slights of hand to reflate the system. Short of truly giving away currency, eliminating by fiat massive credit exposures or some magical innovation that only a self-delusional world might accept, all efforts have reached a diminishing return towards negation.
- The US equity markets have topped and at some point this year, sooner is likely, they will start a downdraft that will wipe out most of the gains of the bull market since 2009. At some point, following an interim false bull market rally, they will head to lows exceeding those reached at the bottom in the spring of 09.
- It is very likely that America will instigate, with smoke and mirrors, a false flag event and a propaganda campaign to rally the masses support for a war that might very likely turn into a global event of very serious consequences.
- American’s remaining freedoms will be abrogated during a period of civil unrest likely exceeding any this nation has experience to date.
- The fact is, it can happen here. It is happening here. America and Americans are not God’s chosen people, we are not unique beings genetically different from those of any other nation and the destruction of familial, religious, civic, moral and ethical constraints accompanied by the many years of the now almost completed desecration of the rule of law and its primacy imbued in the US Constitution and Bill of Rights virtually assures that our democracy and freedoms are doomed. The Republic died long, long ago. From Plato thru to de Tocqueville and many great minds, some of them founders of the experiment we know as America, all understood the risks to freedom from an unshackled human nature, either from the mob or an authoritarian dictatorial elite operating under the mandate of defending democratic rule. The inherent fallacy of the honest progressive mind is with the belief in the Rousseauian “noble savage”, that humankind is not tainted with original sin nor any innate, phylogenetic biases to evil. They are wrong.
- American torture, forced starvations, unconscionable use of weapons such as depleted uranium and cluster bombs, even when banned by international decrees, immoral deprivations of whole nations of food and medicines in the modern era and the slaughter, even the evidence of mass baby head bashings, of our native populations and the atrocity that was slavery only a few generations back should be ample fodder for the opposite belief. But the will to power seduces even the most vibrant of intellects when unrestrained by moral, ethical, religious restraints, particularly so when the law is seen as a malleable system designed to support their belief systems and not an eternal constant.
As noted by Brian Lundin, with the demand from central banks and the global public, coupled with the obvious fundamental problems inherent within the system, the price of gold should have been rising but has been crushed instead. This, of course, bodes well for investors and those who intend to protect themselves from the collapse to come. The reality of the situation is we’re in trouble and Alan Greenspan, arguably one of the most informed insiders on the planet, has implied that it’s more than likely unstoppable:
He [Greenspan] seemed to believe it was somewhat inevitable that the release of those reserves would create much higher inflation… the Fed just hopes they can get out of this alive… a normalized interest rate environment, which is what they say they seek over the longer term, is fiscally impossible for the U.S. at this point in time.
This is a well known fact within Fed circles and those on the inside are positioning themselves with hard assets for what will ultimately end in a collapse of the U.S. dollar and the American way of life.
Ramsay, 55, formerly the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission’s director of trading and markets, joined the stock-trading venue founded by Brad Katsuyama, IEX Group Inc., in June and soon began slamming the industry he’d overseen for the SEC. He called out the “convoluted” and “illogical” pricing rules of major stock exchanges and compared the $25 trillion U.S. stock market’s structure to the Death Star of “Star Wars.”
Ramsay’s denunciations come during a period of unprecedented scrutiny of equities trading. A chorus of criticism, sparked by the claim in Michael Lewis’s book about Katsuyama and IEX, “Flash Boys,” that the market is rigged against retail investors, has questioned the tactics involved in using algorithms to buy and sell shares in fractions of a second. Ramsay’s opinions, blunt and impassioned, have extra heft because of his experience as a regulator.
“I’ve been able to find my voice on these issues in a way I couldn’t have done when I was in the government, because you’re always limited by internal politics and not wanting to get too far out in front of the agency,” he said. “I feel like I’ve been a little bit uncorked.”
Don’t expect Ramsay to let up. Last week, IEX hired a chief regulatory officer to assume part of Ramsay’s responsibilities, freeing him to focus on his role as the New York-based firm’s chief market policy officer and resident straight talker.